The qualification of Jordan’s national football team for the FIFA World Cup for the first time has sparked ambitions far beyond mere participation, with many Jordanians expressing confidence that the team can make a deep run in the tournament.
The World Cup will be hosted by the US, Canada and Mexico from June 11 to July 19, with Jordan drawn in Group J alongside Argentina, Algeria and Austria.
In interviews conducted by Anadolu in the Jordanian capital, citizens voiced optimism that the team can achieve unprecedented success on the global stage.
“When I see Jordan’s flag flying among the flags of nations around the world, it fills me with pride to be Jordanian,” said taxi driver Ahmad Al-Khalayleh. “Jordan is strong everywhere and will always remain at the forefront, and its flag will continue to fly high, God willing.”
Al-Khalayleh said the national team had faced unfair treatment in previous tournaments but was ready to meet expectations.
“I promise you that Jordan will leave a distinctive mark in its opening match against Austria, and the players will compete with one spirit and one heart,” he said.
Wadie Al-Qaisi, a young supporter, said he hoped the tournament would showcase Jordan’s growing football stature.
“We want the entire world to recognize Jordan’s value and the strength of its national team, and how capable it is of breaking records and achieving the ambitions of the Jordanian people,” he said. “We hope to reach the highest levels at the World Cup.”
Another fan, Aboud Al-Deek, said Jordanians were celebrating a historic achievement.
“We are very optimistic about the national team players reaching this advanced stage and qualifying for the World Cup finals for the first time,” he said. “The entire Jordanian people are happy about this achievement, and we look forward to seeing an outstanding and impressive performance.”
Haitham Al-Dajaah said the team’s success should encourage greater investment in youth football development.
“As fans and members of the sporting community, we hope to see greater attention given to youth and junior development programs so that we can compete in the advanced stages of future World Cups,” he said. “With ambition, determination and perseverance, we will be a formidable force at the World Cup, God willing.”
Young supporter Hamza Salah expressed the highest hopes of all.
“There is a sense of optimism that the national team will advance to the later stages, such as the quarterfinals or semifinals, and even win the trophy, God willing,” he said. “Jordan is capable of achieving that.” Anadolu
This summer promises to be unlike any previous or future summers in the history of mankind. It will witness an unprecedented convergence of two big, unrelated in substance, events that will be the focus of attention of all nations around the globe. One of those events might and indeed, should tip the balance!
On the battle grounds of these two big events, tears will be shed, hearts will be broken and plans flopped! On both occasions, the crucial component of vanity in the human brain would develop into a dubious concept that in each game you play or a confrontation you get involved in, you must be the winner, no matter what!
What would the other side be saying?
As the clock ticks forward, the hostilities in the Middle East or more precisely the off-and-on-rounds of ‘war of choice’ by the US and Israel against Iran’s plans for itself and the region, bounce up and down in a blurred fashion; making it difficult, to see whether those hostilities will continue, as the Israeli Prime Minister wants them to, or whether they will be ordered by Donald Trump to stop, even temporarily, but for completely different reasons.
President Trump’s interest and role in this affair is central and crucial, not only because his country, along with Mexico and Canada, will host the football tournaments matches and because his army is stuck in the quagmire he helped to create in the Middle East since June 2025.
Now and in these final hours before the big sports event kicks off next week, the political ball is also being played, openly bouncing back and forth by Benjamin Netanyahu, Trump and Iran, each according to a specific domestic political agenda and in a dramatic fashion. Indeed, it could threaten the destiny of FIFA’s well-planned agenda, at the expense of letting Israel continue its quasi-impossible crusade against Iran!
Trump on the other hand, and besides the other signs he gave, might opt for a peaceful outcome to his quarrel with Iran. He has few other concerns at home such as the 250th anniversary of his country’s independence, his own birthday party to celebrate, rising prices of gas and inflation to curb, local partisan elections and opinion polls to worry about; lastly off course, he has to guarantee the smooth running of the world cup matches in his country for a whole month.
Now let’s dig deeper in this business of political footballing.
The US and Iran according to the FIFA program belong to two different groups: Fourth and seventh. To qualify for the second level of the tournament, each has to play three matches and win. The US against Paraguay, Australia and Turkey. Iran against New Zealand, Belgium and Egypt.
Both teams have reasonable chances to pass through this first stage.
Let’s imagine that after a month-long matches between the 48-competing nations, Iran and the US end up facing each other in the final match for the world trophy.
In such a case, heads of states whose teams were playing, are supposed to be present watching and cheering their teams from the premium seating area. Whoever the winner might be, the players, coaches and political leaders would be approaching each other and shaking hands. One saying: “Congratulation” and the other: “Hard luck”!
One more time, picture Donald Trump and Mojtaba Khamenei shaking hands and exchanging these words live, while the whole world is watching!
At such a moment, the real war back on the grounds of the Middle East, would not be more than a fading ripple on the surface of a remote lake!
When US and Israeli forces launched strikes on Iran on 28 February, triggering one of the most serious geopolitical crises in years, the Strait of Hormuz – a narrow channel just 34 kilometres wide at its narrowest point – became a global flashpoint overnight.
Iran closed the waterway to foreign shipping, attacking merchant vessels and cutting off around 20 per cent of the world’s seaborne oil trade. Some 20,000 seafarers were stranded in the Persian Gulf. The UN Secretary-General called for an immediate ceasefire.
Beneath all of it, the fish kept swimming.
Back in the water
Three Chinese divers based in the United Arab Emirates (UAE) – diving instructor Rui Li, freediver Shanshan Du and technical diver Jie Zhang – had been locked out of the water for weeks by the coastal closure. When a ceasefire allowed limited access in mid-April, they went straight back in.
World Oceans Day, marked each year on 8 June, carries the theme this year of Reimagining the Relationship Between Humans and the Ocean. For these three, that reimagining is anything but abstract.
“We were actually a little worried before setting off,” says Du, who dived the narrowest stretch between the UAE and Oman on 18 April, just days after the UN welcomed Iran’s announcement that the strait would be open to commercial vessels during the ceasefire.
“But after more than two months, we all felt it was fantastic to be able to dive again. We encountered a large group of dolphins. There was none of the war-torn atmosphere I had imagined – only peace and beauty before my eyes.”
Zhang, who dived the area as recently as last week, describes coral diversity she has rarely encountered elsewhere – soft and hard corals varying with the topography, and sea turtles gathered in such numbers they evoked a nature reserve.
Courtesy of Jie Zhang. Jie Zhang is back from the depths, feeling the warmth of the sun.
Troubling signs
She also noticed something more troubling. “I saw more white debris on the seabed than before,” she says, uncertain of its origin. And when she and her companions followed dolphins near the eastern side of the strait, the water around the animals was streaked with green algae, oil fumes and floating rubbish.
“I recalled that when I used to chase dolphins, the water was blue. Seeing this scene with my own eyes is still very heartbreaking.”
Li is careful to hold both realities at once. The strait is not the world’s most biodiverse marine zone, he notes, but its complex topography sustains coral reefs of unusual variety – formations “as white as silver needles” alongside colonies “as purple as pine forests” – as well as seahorses, whale sharks and species rarely seen elsewhere.
He describes witnessing a boat captain who, unable to dive and with no other means of communication, could reliably find a pod of dolphins that seemed to recognise him. “We would greet each other and then go our separate ways,” Li says. “This place is truly magical.”
Yet he is also acutely aware of what armed conflict can do to such a place. An attack on oil storage facilities, he points out, could be catastrophic for marine life. “Many marine organisms are small and vulnerable. A single attack could be enough to wipe out some amazing species that have never been seen by humans.”
Zhang frames the underwater world’s vulnerability in blunt terms. “No one can speak for the underwater ecosystem – fish can’t speak, and neither can large animals.
“We dump all the disputes, wars and pollution on land onto the ocean, ignoring the fact that the ocean has no good self-protection capabilities and can only bear all the conflicts and damage caused by human activities.”
Diving has quietly dissolved certain certainties for all three. “Underwater, the ocean has no borders,” says Zhang. “Ocean currents and schools of fish move freely. When whale sharks cruise, they follow fixed routes through different countries – they are free. Humanity should share this blue world instead of tearing it apart with disputes.”
Li reaches for a different metaphor – warmer, and perhaps more honest about the limits of human agency. The relationship between people and the sea, he suggests, is something like that between a child and a parent: the ocean sustains us, nurtures us, occasionally punishes us.
“We have grown old enough to want to protect it, he says, yet what we can actually do remains small. “Our parents are still quietly waiting for us, helping us, and continuing to nurture us.”
Du, diving in a country where people of dozens of nationalities converge, has found that underwater, borders feel beside the point. Communication happens through gesture alone. “Because of this hobby, and because of the ocean, it has created a wonderful environment for us.”
The conflicts raging above the surface have not ended. Talks between Washington and Tehran remain fragile, conditions volatile. But 71 per cent of the Earth is ocean – and, as Li says to anyone who has yet to see it: come and touch the refreshing water whenever you can.
The recent escalation between Israel and Iran suggests that Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu is currently experiencing one of his most complex and perplexing political moments. The man who has long relied on military force as a tool to resolve conflicts and impose realities now finds himself besieged by outcomes that fall short of his stated objectives and the immense cost borne by the entire region.
In Gaza, after months of war, destruction, and continuous military operations by the Israeli army, fundamental questions remain unanswered: Where is the victory promised to the Israelis? Where are the strategic achievements that justified the continuation of the war? The Gaza battle was transformed from a project for a swift resolution into an open-ended war of attrition, with the political, security, and humanitarian costs increasing daily and rapidly.
As for the northern front (Lebanon), Netanyahu has failed to impose the equations he repeatedly wanted to create. Instead of restoring Israel’s image of deterrence, new realities have emerged confirming that the region does not respond to threats, and that the power balance has become far too complex to be determined by the rhetoric of force or displays of military capability.
At the heart of these shifts, Iran has emerged as a model distinct from the many adversaries Israel has traditionally dealt with. Tehran does not merely declare its right to retaliate; it exercises this right whenever it perceives its interests or sovereignty are threatened. The recent regional confrontations demonstrated that a policy of threats is no longer sufficient to subdue or deter adversaries while military calculations have become far more costly and complex than Netanyahu imagined.
It is to be noted while Netanyahu sometimes speaks of opportunities for negotiation or security and political arrangements, he at the same time continues to generate the conditions for escalation. How can peace be built while the circle of confrontation widens? And how can the world be convinced of the seriousness of the political process when the language of force remains the sole instrument for managing the conflict?
He appears like a cunning fox, claiming to be engaged in negotiations for peace but focusing on security matters rather than the political file. The security file establishes a limited, relative stability, not a lasting one, waiting to reignite conflict in the region, particularly on the Lebanese front.
Netanyahu works on downplaying and delaying the importance of resolving the political issue first. He thus evades political obligations and commitments under international pressure regarding Lebanese rights for instance, most importantly ( is a complete withdrawal, even from the Shebaa Farms, demarcation of borders, including maritime borders, and Lebanese rights to the gas fields off the Lebanese coast – the Karish field).
This contradiction reveals a crisis deeper than a mere disagreement over military tactics; it reflects a personal political predicament facing Netanyahu. He understands – as he approaches the general elections – that a ceasefire could open the door to domestic accountability regarding security and political failures, and could revive questions about his political future, not to mention corruption cases and crises such as his dismantling of the judicial system and the conscription of Haredim. Therefore, it seems the continuation of the tension gives him more room to maneuver than political compromises would.
Within Israel itself, and as the general elections approaches, the gap between Netanyahu and growing segments of society widens. The opposition is gaining strength, protests continue unabated and the families of fallen and wounded soldiers are raising their voices in an unprecedented manner. Meanwhile, criticism is mounting from security and military figures who believe the government lacks a clear vision to resolve the crisis.
Today, Netanyahu’s image resembles that of his missiles: Soaring into the sky, creating a deafening roar, but quickly returning to reality, where difficult questions and stubborn facts await him. Wars may postpone crises, but they do not eliminate them, and escalation may temporarily alter the landscape, but it does not create a lasting victory.
Conversely, the United States appears more inclined toward de-escalation and preventing the region from erupting into a full-blown war. Washington understands its strategic interests require containing the conflict, not expanding it. It prefers pursuing political and security arrangements that reduce the likelihood of a major confrontation. However, this approach clashes with Netanyahu’s desire to keep the region on the brink of conflagration, hoping to alter the facts on the ground or escape the demands of domestic politics.
Between heaven and earth, Netanyahu oscillates between the rhetoric of power and the reality of impotence, between his political ambitions and the limits of what military force can achieve. As for the region, it continues to pay the price for this oscillation, which has so far produced nothing but more tension and instability.
This article, written by Dr Adnan Naeem, an Israeli affairs expert, was published in the Arabic Maannews website and reprinted in crossfirearabia.com